Central to Domhoff's argument is the existence of a power-elite. This power-elite is comprised of a cross-section of the social upper class, the corporate community, and policy-formation organisations. He states that this power elite dominance in America is not one of total control. However, dominance implies the description of the boundaries within which the lower social classes have to work.
In addition, members of the power elite display their aversion towards the government (even in the light of various positive contributions of government towards the power elite) for several underlying reasons. Domhoff states that the government may change the power relations through the following ways: creation of jobs for the unemployed, easier qualifications for health, unemployment, and welfare benefits, greater employee workplace rights and protections, and finally, helping workers organise unions.
The power elite is not always aligned on all issues of interest. The reason for this is because it constitutes people from the ultraconservative, conservative, and moderate groups. The moderates sometimes favour some of liberal issues on society; this is especially true in times of socio-economic troubles. [p. 2] Consider, for example, the members of the Committee for Economic Development and their orientation changes between 1974 and 1976. Domhoff states that there were two incidents to trigger the scorn of the conservative trustees from several of the largest corporate supporters of the CED. Both moves involved public policy for more government in areas of wage control, and greater government planning.